%% apa:: O’Connor, M. R. (2019). _Wayfinding: The Science and Mystery of How Humans Navigate the World_ (Kindle iOS version). St. Martin’s Press. %% # Wayfinding: The Science and Mystery of How Humans Navigate the World --- O’Connor, M. R. (2019). _Wayfinding: The Science and Mystery of How Humans Navigate the World_ (Kindle iOS version). St. Martin’s Press. --- ## Metadata Title:: Wayfinding: The Science and Mystery of How Humans Navigate the World author:: M.R. O'Connor publisher:: St. Martin's Press date_published:: 2019-04-30 cite-key:: oconnor2019WayfindingScienceMystery Type: Book --- ## Table of Contents - [ ] Prologue: Wayfinding - [ ] Part 1: Arctic - [ ] The Last Roadless Place - [x] Memoryscapes - [x] Why Children are Amnesiacs - [x] Birds, Bees, Wolves, and Whales - [x] Navigation Made Us Human - [x] The Storytelling Computer - [ ] Part Two: Australia - [ ] Supernomads - [ ] Dreamtime Cartography - [x] Space and Time in the Brain - [ ] Among the Lightning People - [ ] You Say Left, I Say North - [ ] Part Three: Oceania - [ ] Empiricism at Harvard - [ ] Astronauts of Oceania - [ ] Navigating Climate Change - [x] This is Your Brain on GPS - [x] Lost Tesla - [x] Epilogue: Our Genius is Topophilia --- ## Notes - > Where biology has failed humans in preventing us from becoming lost, we have substituted culture. We invented systems of knowledge for organizing environmental information to orient ourselves and cultural mechanisms to transmit this knowledge to the next generation. - > What happens when we outsource navigation to a gadget? Even the previous generation of navigation tools—the compass, chronometer, sextant, radio, radar—required us to give attention to our surroundings. ^location100 - > We are a species of primate that shed our reliance on the biological hardware and genetic programming that tells animals where they are and need to go. Instead, we developed cognitive abilities built on perception and attention, giving us the freedom to go anywhere. For us, navigation is not pure intuition, but process. When we move through space, we perceive the environment and direct our attention to its characteristics, collecting information or, as some would describe it, building internal representations or maps of space that are “placed” in our memory. Out of the stream of information generated by our movement we create origins, sequences, paths, routes, and destinations that make up narratives with starting points, middles, and arrivals. It’s this ability to organize and remember our journeys that gives us the ability to find our way back. More so, we mold the discoveries we make along the way into insights and knowledge that guide and orient us in our next explorations. ^location110 - > At the heart of successful human navigation is a capacity to record the past, attend to the present, and imagine the future—a goal or place that we would like to reach. In this way, navigation involves not only literal travel through space but also mental travel through time, what some call [[Autonoetic consciousness]]. ^location117 - > But neuroscientists have found that the principal place in the human brain responsible for navigation, orientation, and mapping is the hippocampus, a region of gray matter in our temporal lobe with a distinct ram horn–shaped curvature. ^location124 - > The hippocampus is critical for recording the what, where, and when of long-term memory in mammals. ^location130 - > the hippocampus is the locus of autobiography, the narrative of the life we have lived till now. ^location132 - > While a GPS identifies fixed positions or coordinates in space that never change, neuroscientists think what the hippocampus does is unique to us as individuals—it builds representations of places based on our point of view, experiences, memories, goals, and desires. It provides the infrastructure for our selfhood. ^location135 - > Wilson thinks sleep is likely a time when the hippocampus consolidates memories and seeks out rules and patterns of experience. “The idea is that during sleep you try to make sense of things you already learned,” said Wilson. “You go into a vast database of experience and try to figure out new connections and then build a model to explain new experiences. Wisdom is the rules, based on experience, that allows us to make good decisions in novel situations in the future.” ^location141 - > Where biology has failed humans in preventing us from becoming lost, we have substituted culture. We invented systems of knowledge for organizing environmental information to orient ourselves and cultural mechanisms to transmit this knowledge to the next generation. ^location208 - Navigation tools offer a quick transference of knowledge through technology, but at the same time, our reliance on these tools denies us the knowledge of learning. ^location233 > Navigation devices make vast reserves of distributed knowledge available to us in an instant. But, crucially, they never require us to possess information in our own memory in the way that successful navigators have been required to do till now. - This quote discusses the importance of cultural knowledge in understanding one’s surroundings, and how knowledge is transferred generationally. Wayfinding, in this case, builds upon not only the natural cues in the environment, but a shared understanding of that environment. > In northern Australia I met a Jawoyn elder in her eighties, Margaret Katherine, whose childhood was spent walking on her family’s traditional country near the Mann River. At one point I asked what she did when she became lost in the bush. She laughed. She took my notebook and illustrated how the termite hills always pointed north-south, how the stars showed the way at night, and how all of the rocks, trees, gorges, and escarpments were created by her ancestors who traveled the world in the Dreamtime. Their journeys and landmarks were recorded in songs that she learned and memorized throughout her life. In this place, which struck me as unmarked and bewildering wilderness, it would be nearly impossible to become disoriented because everywhere was home. ^location236 - NOTE: [[Wayfinding]] exists at multiple levels, including collection and using [[Knowledge, sensory|sensory knowledge]] as a tool to navigate through an environment. (This could include both the physical and digital environment.) But wayfinding also is a way in which we make new connections between our selves and the world around us. Cues in the environment become a way we start to think on (or act on) the environment differently. > In the simplest terms, wayfinding is the use and organization of sensory information from the environment to guide us. The geographer Reginald Golledge defined it as “the ability to determine a route, learn it, and retrace or reverse it from memory through the acquisition of environmental knowledge.” In the deepest sense, it is a concept that offers a new way of thinking about our connection to the world. ^location265 - NOTE: The Cartesian philosophy separates mind from body, stemming from Descartes belief that the soul can not be in direct contact to anything external to the body. There is a duality between mind and body. [[Perception]] is a mechanical function of man, and [[imageability]] is a physiological process. > Four hundred years ago, the French philosopher René Descartes strove to explain human perception and started with the theory that our souls can only be in direct contact with our brains and not the universe outside our heads. Perception, according to Descartes’s model, is a mechanistic process, and the outside is imagined in our minds because it is an image created by a physiological process. This is the basis of Cartesian dualism, the idea that consciousness is nonphysical and the mind and body are fundamentally separate. It was centuries before the scientific dogma that perception is the result of mental operations was challenged. ^location268 - > Born in 1904, the American psychologist [[James Gibson]] was fascinated by visual perception but frustrated by the assumption that there is a dualistic distinction between physical and mental environments. Through his studies of automobile drivers and airplane pilots, Gibson came to the conclusion that perception and behavior are a single biological phenomenon, and both humans and animals directly perceive their environment in an act of knowing or being in contact with it. We are not minds stuck in bodies but organisms that are part of our environment. Gibson called his theory ecological psychology and it led to a new understanding of navigation. Gibson described the process of navigation as detecting the layout of the environment from a moving point of observation. When a person moves from one place to another, there is an optic flow of what he called transitions, a continuum of connected sequences in what we see that could be a turn in the road or the crest of a hill. These transitions connect vistas that open our view. Transitions and vistas are what provide us with the information we need for controlling locomotion and navigation. ^location273 - #question When is Gibson’s use of the term [[Wayfinding]] in relation to [[Paul Arthur|Arthur’s]] use? > Later in life, Gibson rejected the idea of a cognitive map in the brain, instead adopting the term wayfinding to describe spatial navigation. There was no separation between mind and environment, between perceiving and knowing; wayfinding was a way that we directly perceive and involves the real-time coupling of perception and movement. He dedicated his book The Senses Considered as Perceptual Systems to “all persons who want to look for themselves.” ^location285 ==START HERE== ^starthere - Based on research out of McGill University, the study authors posit that reliance on navigation tools may decrease the use of the [[Brain, hippocampus]], which in turns makes us more at risk for neurodegenerative disease.#seed [[Wayfinding tools, the dark side]] > In a series of studies in 2010, a group of researchers at Montreal’s McGill University, for instance, reported that exercising spatial memory and orientation in everyday life increases hippocampal gray matter, whereas underuse of its functions in older adults may contribute to cognitive impairment. Atrophy in the hippocampus is strongly associated with myriad problems, including Alzheimer’s disease, PTSD, depression, and dementia. (One of the researchers, Véronique Bohbot, told the Boston Globe that she no longer uses satellite-navigation devices to tell her where to go.) Could GPS’s turn-by-turn function have a subtle and potentially insidious impact on our well-being over the long term? While there has been no study testing such a direct relationship, the scientific literature so far indicates a possibility that a total reliance on GPS technology could over time put us at higher risk for neurodegenerative disease. ^location297 - > Harry Heft, the environmental psychologist who studied with James Gibson, told me that his experience with his students today is jarring. “It’s only a slight exaggeration to say that they couldn’t get anywhere if they didn’t have a GPS. What I find alarming about that is that it seems related to my concern about them not knowing history very well. History is important to me because it gives me a sense of where I am. I don’t think they have a strong background in history, and I don’t understand how they know their place in the world. GPS is like a smaller example of that. I worry that my students are disoriented. I think it’s very existential: one needs to have a sense of where one is.” ^location309 - #seed What was the Sumerian’s impact on the design of cartography tools? > …the wealth of Western navigation tools. These had evolved out of concepts of space and time dating back to the Sumerians, who developed the lunar calendar and organized time into hours and minutes and seconds, giving way to the invention of clocks, telescopes, sextants, and cartographic tools and charts. ^location550 - Colonial attitudes and assumptions about non-Western navigation aptitudes… dismissing what is not understood. > When the British captain James Cook sailed to the Polynesian island of Tahiti on the HMS Endeavor in 1769, he met a priest from the island of Radiate. His name was Tupaia, and he told Cook about the long sailing journeys his people took to faraway islands. Cook inquired into their navigational methods and recorded that “these people sail in those seas from island to island for some several hundred Leagues, the Sun serving them for a compass by day and the Moon and Stars by night.” He asked Tupaia to draw him a chart, and once he had “perceived the meaning and use of charts, he gave directions for making one according to his account, and always pointed to the part of the heavens, where each isle was situated, mentioning at the same time that it was either larger or smaller than Taheitee, and likewise whether it was high or low, whether it was peopled or not, adding now and then some curious accounts relative to some of them.” Tupaia died from disease in 1770, but his chart became one of the most infamous in the history of navigation—mainly because no one could figure out its underlying logic. It included seventy-four islands spread over a region bigger than the continental United States—one-third of the South Pacific—but the spatial relationships between them didn’t make sense to the Western eye; no matter which way the map was flipped and turned, no coordinate system could crack the system behind Tupaia’s placement of the islands. For the next several hundred years, historians tried to parse the geographical relationships it depicted. As late as 1965, some historians believed that Tupaia probably didn’t draw it because “a non-literate man was fundamentally incapable of projecting his geographical knowledge on a piece of flat paper.” ^location574 - Racist assumption of “evolution” based on colonial attitudes. > For a long time, a popular theory of navigation was that indigenous peoples found their way by unconscious intuitions because they were closer to animals, whereas Europeans had lost these powers in the course of evolution. ^location589 - #question Who coined this term? What was the relationship to accessibility attitudes in the early 1900s? > In the early 1900s, the term “sixth sense” was coined to describe how blind people could avoid obstacles, and it was also ascribed to groups who exhibited uncanny navigational skills. ^location612 - > But Darwin appears to have glossed over a key aspect of von Wrangel’s account. While the German explorer did write that his Cossack driver seemed to be guided by instinct, he also described how it was years of practice that gave his companion, Sotnik Tatarinow, the ability to use his memory to maintain a plan for navigating “intricate labyrinths of ice” and making “incessant changes of direction” so that memory and observation compensated each other and he never lost the main direction. ^location613 - [[Wayfinding]] tools can become a self-fulfilling prophecy. In using the tools, we lose generational knowledge and therefore become reliant on the tools instead of the knowledge. Knowledge becomes lost, and what’s known becomes not only unknown, but mysterious. > The British zoologist Robin Baker points out in his book Human Navigation and the Sixth Sense that one reason the scientific belief in a sixth sense lasted for so long is that by the nineteenth century, people in western Europe had so many aids to navigation, such as maps, compasses, place-names, roads, and road signs, that they themselves had forgotten there were other strategies for navigating. This forgetting is remarkable because, as Baker wrote, these modern inventions had only been available to the masses for three or four generations at most. “Throughout most of human evolution, navigation without instruments had been the rule,” wrote Baker. It took just a couple of centuries for people to forget that environmental cues can be just as accurate as maps and gadgets. This historical amnesia made non-European navigation practices seem that much more supernatural and mysterious. ^location626 - > Spatial orientation researchers generally break human navigation strategies into two sorts. The first is route knowledge, an ability to construct a sequence of points, landmarks, and perspectives that make up a path from one place to another. The traveler uses a string of memories of landmarks or viewpoints to recognize the correct sequence for getting from one place to another. ^location695 - > The second strategy is called survey knowledge: the traveler organizes space into a stable, maplike framework, in which every point or landmark has a two-dimensional relationship to every other point. While route knowledge is the verbal description you might give when telling a friend how to get to the post office, survey knowledge is the “bird’s-eye” map of the walk you might draw for that friend on a piece of paper. ^location698 - > Route knowledge relies on the traveler’s point of view and relationship to objects around them, what’s called egocentric perspective. The individual sees everything in relationship to themselves and their body’s axes—in front, behind, up, down, left, and right. ^location701 - > Survey knowledge depends on what is called an allocentric perspective, a point of view that is objective, maplike, and nonindexical in its representation of spatial locations of objects and landmarks. ^location703 - > Throughout the twentieth century, psychologists thought that the egocentric perspective was the most intuitive, simplistic, and primitive kind of spatial reasoning. Researchers like the Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget argued that young children possess an egocentric perspective first; only as they matured around age twelve did children develop the capacity for the objective vantage point of allocentric or Euclidean coordinate space—what he called the formal operational stage. But Piaget, who was sometimes called a “cartographer of the mind” by his peers, mainly studied small groups of European children, and his findings have since been criticized for being unrepresentative. ^location705 - > Since Piaget’s era, the simplistic progression from egocentric to allocentric knowledge in individuals has been disproved by psychologists like Charles Gallistel of Rutgers University, who has shown that individuals—even children—are often capable of utilizing both strategies: apprehending the environment from the visual flow of locomotion or using spatial cues such as those that come from surveying an environment from an elevated position. ^location712 - > His insight strikes at the heart of the intriguing relationship between human navigation and memory. While neuroscience has only recently begun to reveal its physiological basis, this relationship fascinated even the ancient Greeks, who afforded great respect to individuals who could memorize vast amounts of information. In the Elder Pliny’s Natural History, for instance, he recalls that Mithridates of Pontus knew twenty-two languages, and Cyrus knew all the men in his army by name. In the Ad Herennium, a Latin book from around 80 BCE, the unknown author (once thought to be Cicero) tells how Seneca could listen to two hundred students each recite a line of poetry and then recite all the lines perfectly—starting with the the last line and ending at the first. He could also supposedly repeat some two thousand names in perfect order after hearing them once. Another rhetoric teacher, Simplicius, could recite Virgil’s Aeneid backward. ^location734 - > To aid memorization, the Greeks invented an art dedicated to it, the method of loci, a system that appears to have taken advantage of the human brain’s proclivity for spatial memory to create an ingenious mnemonic device. ^location740 - > It is Cicero who recounts how Simonides attended a massive banquet in Thessaly and, after reciting a lyric poem he had composed in honor of the host, was told by a messenger of the gods Castor and Pollux to go outside and meet them. But when he left, the roof of the hall collapsed and killed all the guests. The bodies were so badly injured that no one could identify them—except for Simonides. He remembered where each person had been sitting at the table. ^location745 - Memory palace > What Simonides discovered through this experience was that by imprinting or stamping loci, or a place, in one’s mind and placing a memory in that place, it could be easily recalled. He recommended that one build an architectural structure with rooms and hallways imagined in great detail and then put information, names, and words in those places. When the orator or person needs to recall a piece of information, he revisits the building and the places where he has stored his memories. When it comes to long pieces of lyric poetry or ballads, the author of the Ad Herennium instructs students to learn the verses by heart by repeating them, and then replace the words with images and associate those images with loci. ^location748 - The [[Brain, hippocampus]] is activated as a part of [[Memory]]. > Ten individuals deemed “superior memorizers” were tested against a control group; none of them demonstrated exceptional intellectual ability. The only difference Maguire found was the part of the brain they used to recall information. The neuroimaging sensors found that while the right cerebellum was basically active in everyone tested, the memorizers also showed activity in the left medial superior parietal gyrus, bilateral retrosplenial cortex, and right posterior hippocampus—many of the brain regions implicated in spatial memory and navigation. ^location773 - > As early as 1970, the Stanford psychologist Gordon Bower described the method of loci as a “journey” and a “mental walk” technique. The mnemonist creates a vivid mental place, akin to the brain’s spatial representation of an actual place, and navigates it during the quest for a specific memory. ^location782 - Irish neuroscientist Eleanor Maguire > In 2000, she and a group of scientists at University College London published a study focused on the brains of London’s taxi drivers. To get a license to drive one of the city’s ubiquitous black cabs, drivers have to acquire what is called “The Knowledge,” which includes memorizing some twenty-five thousand streets and thousands of landmarks. Maguire wanted to know if these drivers would have more gray matter, the tissue containing synapses and a high density of neuronal cell bodies (the nucleus-containing center of the neuron), in their hippocampus as a result of this knowledge. The researchers used magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) scans and found that, amazingly, the answer was yes. London’s taxi drivers had significantly greater volume than a control group in their posterior hippocampus; it appeared that the number and complexity of navigational tasks a person practices influences the amount of gray matter. ^location787 - The London cabbie story is familiar. But this is interesting, comparing the grey matter of London bus drivers (fixed routes) versus London cabbies (novel routes). The cabbies had the expanded [[Brain, hippocampus]]. > Six years later, Maguire, Hugo Spiers, and Katherine Woollett published another study, comparing London’s bus drivers to taxi drivers. Both were navigating the same city, presumably dealt with the same levels of stress, and possessed similar levels of driving experience. The difference between them was that whereas the taxi drivers had to take novel routes that changed day to day depending on their passengers, the bus drivers followed fixed routes. By comparing the hippocampal matter in these two groups, the researchers hoped to conclusively understand whether driving itself was responsible for more hippocampal volume in taxi drivers, or spatial knowledge. Again, the taxi drivers were found to have greater gray matter volume. ^location798 - > Gatty believed technology itself had perpetuated a myth of biological difference between races. “[Scientists] build a wall of mystery, fable and myth around the natural navigations of the past. So used are we to navigating by the compass, the chronometer, the sextant, the radio, radar and echo sounder, that some of us just cannot believe that early peoples could make long journeys into unknown areas, and find their way through unexplored wilds and across uncharted seas with only their normal senses and traditional wisdom to guide them.” ^location829 - > These skills reminded Gatty of the Greek myth in which Ariadne gives Theseus a thread so he can find his way out of the maze of caves after slaying the Minotaur. In most places, said Gatty, the thread is an imaginary one. It is, just as Awa had described, a thread of memory. ^location833 - > But there is a period when memory fails each of us. In infancy and early childhood we experience the world and formulate episodic memories—our recollection of events and autobiography—only to have them disappear and become unreachable to us in adulthood. ^location838 - > Kate Jeffery is an English neuroscientist whose laboratory at University College London studies the behavior of hippocampal cells in rats. At the core of her interest is the mystery of why the human brain seems to use the same neural circuit for navigating space and episodic memory; she has called it one of the most outstanding questions about the brain. “Why would nature have used the same structures for both space and memory, which seem so very different?” she wrote in Current Biology. “An intriguing possibility is that the cognitive map provides, in a manner of speaking, the stage upon which the ^location864 - > drama of recollected life events is played out. By this account, it serves as the ‘mind’s eye’ not only for remembering spaces, but also the events that happened there and even—according to recent human neuroimaging evidence—imagination.” ^location868 - > Jeffery graciously took a piece of paper and pencil and began sketching a series of boxes and arrows, building a classic circuit diagram to illustrate the neural components of the hippocampus. She started with a box representing the entorhinal cortex, labeled it “EC,” and split it into five layers representing various cell types. The entorhinal cortex, she told me, is the main interface between the neocortex, the part of the human brain associated with higher intelligence, and the hippocampus. All of the primary sensory areas—vision, olfaction, audition, touch, what Jeffery described as “a little bit of this, a little bit of that”—feed into the entorhinal cortex. From that box she began drawing arrows to other boxes labeled “DG,” “CA3,” “CA2,” “CA1,” and “SUB.” These were the main components of the hippocampal circuit, each one fed by the various layers of the entorhinal cortex. “By the time you get to the hippocampus, quite a lot of stuff has happened, these senses are very highly processed,” she explained. “But it turns out that layer two goes to CA3, layer three goes to CA1 and the subiculum, but there is an output from CA1 that goes back into layer five of the entorhinal cortex.” She paused, looked at my furrowed brow, and chuckled. “So it’s sort of like that but there’s lots of backwards and forwards.” ^location883 - > Sigmund Freud coined the term “infant amnesia” and explained it in terms of repression; the brain was hiding the desires and emotions of infancy from the adult psyche, and these could be accessed through psychotherapy. “Hitherto it has not occurred to us to feel any astonishment at the fact of this amnesia, though we might have had good grounds for doing so,” Freud wrote in 1910. “For we learn from other people that during these years, of which at a later date we retain nothing but a few unintelligible and fragmentary recollections, we reacted in a lively manner to impressions, that we were capable of expressing pain and joy in human fashion, that we gave evidence of love, jealousy, and other passionate feelings by which we were strongly moved at the time, and even that we gave utterance to remarks which were ^location900 - > regarded by adults as good evidence of our possessing insight and the beginnings of a capacity for judgment. And of all this we, when we are grown up, have no knowledge on our own! Why should our memory lag so far behind the other activities of our minds?” Freud thought of memory as a permanent storage system that enacts a lasting influence over our behavior into adulthood, even if our conscious minds can’t unlock it. ^location906 - > What he didn’t know is that this period of infant amnesia until the age of two—followed by childhood amnesia until the age of six or so—is not only universal among humans but some mammals as well. All altricial species who raise their young, including rats and monkeys, experience a period of amnesia, hinting at a potential evolutionarily conserved necessity for this developmental period. ^location909 - > From the 1970s to the 1990s, another explanation for infant amnesia was a child’s lack of language: early memories become inaccessible once babies transition from nonverbal to verbal communication. It’s precisely around the age of eighteen months that there is an explosion of language in infants, and shortly thereafter infant amnesia dissipates. ^location912 - > It was H.M.’s case that led scientists to initially identify the hippocampus as the source of episodic memory—the ability to formulate and recall the places and events that make up our autobiographical past. ^location945 - > Scientists have found multiple types of cells in the hippocampal circuit: head-direction cells discharge in relation to the way our head is pointed on the horizontal plane, and grid cells fire as we roam an environment, building a coordinate system for navigating. Place cells fire at a unique location in space, what is called the place field. ^location959 - > The neuroscientist Lynn Nadel became interested in the developmental story of the hippocampus in the 1970s during the period he was researching and writing The Hippocampus as Cognitive Map with John O’Keefe, an eminent figure in the field of memory research. As they write, the hippocampus is a structure that matures at different times in different animals, unlike some other parts of the brain that are relatively mature at birth. In rats and mice, for instance, around 85 percent of the cells in the dentate gyrus—the sensory input region of the hippocampus—originate after birth in the days that correlate to the first two years of life for children. “The biggest surge in synaptic formation occurs in the period between postnatal days 4 and 11 when the number of synapses in the exposed blade doubles every day and the synaptic density increases 20 times.” They proposed a fascinating trigger for the spatial mapping system in the brain to begin creating these representations—exploration. ^location968 - > Nadel and Zola-Morgan articulated a central mystery of spatial cognition: are we born with a brain that is hardwired to develop spatial memory or is experience important for building its infrastructure? Since then, hippocampal development and its relationship to memory has remained one of the most intriguing issues in neuroscience. ^location1006 - > The Swiss neuroscientists Pierre Lavenex and Pamela Banta Lavenex have proposed that around two years of age the CA1 region of the hippocampus, essential to object differentiation in long-term memory, matures. Over the subsequent years of toddlerhood, the dentate gyrus, a remarkably plastic region of the brain that undergoes neurogenesis—the creation of new neurons—into adulthood, matures and supports the creation of new memories. By six, children show a strong positive relationship between hippocampal volume and their episodic memory—the bigger the volume, the greater the ability to recall details of an event—and six is the average age at which childhood amnesia diminishes. Throughout this period, learning seems essential for the hippocampus to generate and condition neurons. Indeed, without sustained opportunities for children to experience what could be described as exploratory wayfinding, some researchers believe that there would be costs to cognition and memory. ^location1022 - > One possible developmental milestone is when a child transitions from being passively carried to self-mobile. Perhaps it’s this change in movement that impacts how spatial information is encoded in memory? In 2007, for example, a group of researchers in England found that the onset of crawling in nine-month-old babies was associated with a cognitive leap: a more flexible and sophisticated capacity for memory retrieval. Arthur Glenberg, a professor of psychology at Arizona State University, has a hypothesis that the onset of self-locomotion prompts hippocampal maturation: once babies begin moving through space on their own, their place cells and grid cells can begin aligning themselves to the environment, ultimately facilitating the creation of the infrastructure of long-term memory. He thinks the tuning of these cells depends on the consistent correlation between optic flow, head direction, and the unconscious perception of spatial orientation from self-generated movements; until infants begin moving themselves through space, the whole system is immature and therefore an unreliable contributor to memory. When infants begin to crawl and explore space, conditioning the spatial location coding, that movement can become the scaffolding for long-term episodic memory, and forgetting declines. ^location1046 - > In 1999, a group of researchers led by Rusty Gage at the Salk Institute for Biological Studies in California discovered that exercise induces neurogenesis in the adult hippocampus, specifically the dentate gyrus, the region through which the hippocampus receives most of its connections from other parts of the brain and which is implicated in forming episodic memories. ^location1066 - > In the 1940s the psychologists Jean Piaget and Bärbel Inhelder tested children on a “three mountain task.” They placed a doll on different parts of a small-scale model of three mountains and asked the children to select one of several pictures to match the doll’s perspective at each spot. At four years of age, most of the children couldn’t distinguish their point of view from the doll’s, leading the psychologists to believe that young children rely on the more elementary egocentric perspective that precedes logical thinking. Later, around nine or ten years of age, children, they thought, switch to an allocentric representation, the ability to encode the Euclidean, objective relationships between landmarks and assume the perspective of multiple objects to each other. Later research has shown this classic development sequence from egocentric to allocentric in children to be flawed: Newcombe has shown that babies as young as twenty-one months can accurately represent locations allocentrically. In a 2010 study published in the Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, Norwegian and French psychologists tested seventy-seven children in elementary school using a virtual maze task. They found that while all of the five-, seven-, and ten-year-olds used a sequential egocentric strategy to solve the task, they were able to adopt an allocentric strategy too. Even the youngest children tested could do it. But, the older the children were, the more spontaneously they could transition to the allocentric perspective and use it with greater accuracy; ten-year-olds were able to orient themselves at the beginning of the task and create an abstract top-view representation of the maze equal to that created by adults. ^location1077 - > The findings suggest that while young children are able to employ the allocentric strategy, the nature of it changes progressively between five and ten years of age. By ten, individual children can demonstrate startling variations with their peers in hippocampal volume. Researchers have found that children who have higher levels of physical fitness have larger hippocampal sizes than those who are less active, indicating a relationship between aerobic exercise and the structure of preadolescent brains. Furthermore, those structural differences seem to impact function. The same ten-year-olds who were more physically active and fit showed better performances on memory tasks. ^location1090 - #seed: [[Benefits of slowing down]] > The differences between riding a snowmobile and a dogsled are obvious. The former is much, much faster. But the slow speed of sledding provides an ideal pace for teaching and learning geographical and environmental knowledge, committing to memory landmarks, details of routes, place-names, and vistas. “The faster you traverse the land, the less observant of it you become,” explained John MacDonald, a resident of Igloolik for twenty-five years who worked closely with the community’s oral history project and is the author of The Arctic Sky. He once traveled with an elder in Igloolik who stopped at a rock and recognized it by the pattern of lichen on its surface. “I could have passed it and not even looked twice,” said MacDonald, “which is exactly what you tend to do with snowmobiles.” ^location1168 - > In the 1970s a behavioral psychologist at the University of Michigan argued that wolves do have cognitive maps. Roger Peters spent several years observing wolves in the wild and came to believe that they could create maps with a level of skill not usually granted to nonhuman animals. Furthermore, the shared capacity for cognitive mapping between men and wolves was not a coincidence. Both species evolved as social hunters of big game, meaning they formed groups and traveled over large areas of space in pursuit of prey, then returned to their young, pack, or camp. He estimated that the range of wolves and men was about the same: both could travel around a hundred miles in twenty-four hours. “Men and wolves have both had millions of years to evolve solutions to the problems of getting lost, where ‘lost’ means separation from your fellow-hunters, not knowing a quick way back to your young, or where your prey is headed.” Peters didn’t think this was a map in the sense of an aerial view but a simplification of the environment insofar as the brain threw away unnecessary information and retained and organized other elements, such as the locations of dens, feeding grounds, water, food caches, shortcuts, and predators and the spatial relationships between them. For wolves, these maps were particularly dependent on olfactory cues, which Peters noted were a much more important and vivid part of a wolf’s world than humans could imagine. “For wolves, the reality of an object may lie much more in its smell than in its visual properties,” he wrote. Peters knew from his field research that wolves marked their path every three hundred meters on average, and particular attention was paid to junctions—the intersection of paths that would most often serve as rendezvous sites with others in the pack. The wolves were creating nodes, turning an otherwise blank landscape into a network of landmarks. ^location1197 - > Scientists have conceptualized this diversity as evolution’s navigational toolbox. This idea was presented in 2011 by ten prominent scientists, including Kate Jeffery and Nora Newcombe, who study both animal and human cognition and behavior in the hopes of formulating common underlying principles of navigation. The scientists have broken the known mechanisms into four levels, from simple to complex. The first is the sensorimotor toolbox, which includes vision, audition, olfaction, touch, magnetism, and proprioception. At the second level they put “spatial primitives,” animals that orient using simple representations and landmarks, terrain slope, compass headings, boundaries, posture, speed, or acceleration. At level three are more complex integrations of these tools to build spatial constructs, tools like an internal cognitive map. And at the fourth level they put spatial symbols: external maps, signage, and human language, essentially the ability to communicate spatial information. According to this idea, the simplest tools are fundamental—they appeared early in evolution and have persisted through the eons, and the more complex tools are synthesized from the early ones. ^location1242 - > Honeybees can also use polarized light to find their way. They have been called the most elegant of nature’s navigators, embarking on up to five hundred trips a day, as far as five miles from their hives, in search of flowers and food. Like desert ants, they not only take circuitous, meandering routes in search of pollen but are always able to take the straightest route back home—a “beeline.” ^location1287 - > The biologist James Gould at Princeton University has been studying bee navigation for decades. On its surface, beelining seems to require what is called path integration, dead reckoning, or inertial navigation; by keeping track of each stage of a journey, the insects can compute their location and the direction home. But as a young biologist, Gould found that no matter where he displaced bees within their foraging areas, they were always able to find new shortcuts, suggesting that they have a flexible memory or internal representation of space. In other words, bees are using a far more complex evolutionary tool, what is often called the cognitive map. Bees not only seem to have an internal representation of space but appear to possess the ability to communicate this “map” to other bees, a capacity that, according to the navigational toolbox idea, is assumed to be specific to the human species. ^location1293 - > Monarch butterflies, lizards, shrimp, lobsters, cuttlefish, crickets, and rainbow trout as well as numerous migratory birds have been proven to use polarized light as a “compass,” raising the question of whether this is a case of convergent evolution (a kind of coincidence of natural selection among independent organisms) or a shared ancient mechanism, present in the earliest species and carried through the eons. ^location1316 - > For decades, the idea of animal magnetic navigation was disparaged by the scientific community as pseudoscience. Then in 1958 a young graduate student in Germany was solicited to disprove the idea once and for all. As science historian Lisa Pollack has recounted, Wolfgang Wiltschko was asked to re-create an experiment conducted by a fellow student, who had put birds in a closed room without sunlight or stars but, to his surprise, discovered they could still orient. There were two possible explanations for this behavior: the birds used magnetism, or they used radio signals emitted from stars. Wiltschko thought the star hypothesis was the likely answer. He put European robins in a steel chamber that weakened the earth’s geomagnetic field, and he kept them in it for several days to try and manipulate their internal clock. But when he tested them in an orientation cage, they were still perfectly oriented. If he reversed magnetic north, the birds could sense the change and switched the direction in which they tried to fly. Working with his wife and fellow scientist Roswitha, Wiltschko became convinced that birds used an inclination compass—the angle between the magnetic field and the horizontal plane of the earth—to navigate, and he conducted dozens of experiments with birds to prove it. Meanwhile, other studies emerged showing that sharks, skates, cave salamanders, snails, rays, and even honeybees seemed to possess a magnetic sense. By the early 2000s, scientists had shown that seventeen other species of migratory birds, as well as homing pigeons, used magnetic compasses. ^location1359 - Ecological impact of GPS > “For your conscience, I won’t bring a GPS,” Taukie said with a smile. He considered the device a bad way to travel anyway. “You can’t take shortcuts, there’s just one route. Sometimes it doesn’t know a cliff, so I can’t depend on it too much. When I do, it’s on a flat plain or in a whiteout.” As a kid hunting caribou with his father and other community members, it was typical for Taukie to travel four or five hours through the night without any maps or GPS to reach the herds. Today the widespread use of fast snowmobiles coupled with GPS has increased the hunters’ reach, and caribou numbers have crashed in recent years. “Snowmobiles can travel farther than we used to go on a daily basis. We were catching more and more out in places we never used to catch them,” he told me. “I can honestly say I was part of the decline. I was getting five caribou every two weeks.” ^location1482 - > When did humans lose the biological hardware that allows so many animals to navigate with such precision? Did the hippocampus replace it? As neuroscientist Howard Eichenbaum pointed out to me, there’s no fossil record of the hippocampus. We don’t know what it did a hundred thousand years ago. Scientists can only guess at its evolution. But the fact that it is very, very old, at least hundreds of millions of years, is a significant clue. Even birds, which last shared an ancestor with humans 250 million years ago, as well as amphibians, lungfish, and reptiles, have what is called a medial pallium. Similar to the mammalian hippocampal formation in vertebrates, the medial pallium is also involved in spatial tasks in these species, raising the possibility that certain properties of spatial cognition were conserved as organisms diversified and split, while other properties adapted to particular ecologies or selective forces. But despite the profound evolutionary commonalities between humans and other vertebrates and the way the hippocampus relates to cognitive functions of memory and navigation, the question remains: why did we make such a leap in terms of hippocampi’s size and role in our lives? Or as psychologist Daniel Casasanto puts it, “How did foragers become physicists in the eye blink of evolutionary time?” ^location1498 - > And yet according to the Italian historian Carlo Ginzburg, Holmes and Freud were remarkably similar in that their work involved the mastery of a particular type of information—what is called conjectural or evidential knowledge. Ginzburg describes this kind of knowledge as the “ability to construct from apparently insignificant data a complex reality that can not be experienced directly.” This data is most often made up of traces from the past; a footprint, an artwork, a fragment of text. In Freud’s work the traces were symptoms observed in his patients; in Holmes’s case the traces were clues gathered from crime scenes. ^location1511 - > In the late nineteenth century, Ginzburg argues, evidential knowledge emerged as an epistemological paradigm that influenced a broad scope of disciplines from art history to medicine to archaeology—and figures like Arthur Conan Doyle and Freud. Despite its influence during this period, Ginzburg believed that its roots were much much older; he argued that it originated in our species’ skill as hunters. In his 1989 book Clues, Myths, and the Historical Method, Ginzburg writes, Man has been a hunter for thousands of years. In the course of countless chases he learned to reconstruct the shapes and movements of his invisible prey from tracks on the ground, broken branches, excrement, tufts of hair, entangled feathers, stagnating odors. He learned to sniff out, record, interpret, and classify such infinitesimal traces as trails of spittle. He learned how to execute complex mental operations with lightning speed, in the depth of a forest or in a prairie with its hidden dangers. For Ginzburg, the hunter, detective, historian, and physician are all part of a sign-reading paradigm. In the hunter’s case, by reading and deciphering tracks, the hunter is able to produce… ^location1515 - > This sequence of cognitive development also describes the birth of autonoetic consciousness, the capacity to be aware of one’s own existence as an entity in time. The word autonoetic comes from the ancient Greek word for “perceptive.” The term is sometimes used in the context of schizophrenia studies; patients who believe that their own thoughts are actually coming from an outside source have autonoetic agnosia. In the 1970s, the influential experimental psychologist Endel Tulving brought attention to autonoetic consciousness when he distinguished episodic memory, the recollection of events of the past, as separate from semantic memory, the conscious access to context-dissociated facts. To Tulving, episodic memory is the glue in a system that allows humans to maintain a coherent sense of identity and self through the conjunction of subjectivity, autonoetic consciousness, and experiences. This episodic memory system allows us to locate ourselves in time, to travel back to the past and forward into the future (what’s known as proscopy or prospection). Tulving believes these abilities were what separated humans from animals. “Although common sense endows many animals with the ability to remember their past experiences,” he has written, “as yet there is no evidence that humanlike episodic memory—defined in terms of subjective time, self, and autonoetic awareness—is present in any other species.” It’s not that animals can’t remember the what, where, and when of particular events—the studies of scrub jays discussed in the previous chapter show that they can—it is that these are more likely simple episodic-like abilities, different from the profound autonoetic consciousness that is a hallmark of human cognition. Some other researchers see in the results of recent rat maze studies enough evidence to question this argument. New Zealand psychologist Michael Corballis now thinks that hippocampal activity in sleeping rats, in which they seem to be replaying but also anticipating future excursions, may prove that mental time travel is present in other animals, and it is only the degree of complexity in humans that is unique. But Tulving argues, Lest someone worry about the current political correctness of such an assertion, let me hasten to remind such a person that many behavioral and cognitive capabilities of many non-human species are equally unique to those species: echolocation in bats, electrical sensing in fish and genetically determined navigational capabilities of migratory birds are examples that come quickly to mind, but there are many, many others. Indeed, it is these kinds of abilities—unfathomable by common sense, but very real in fact—that allow one to remain a sceptic about episodic memory in birds and animals: evolution is an exceedingly clever tinkerer who can make its creatures perform spectacular feats without necessarily endowing them with sophisticated powers of conscious awareness. ^location1583 - > Place-names are an intrinsic aspect of Inuit wayfinding: learning them helps travelers know where they are and remember the sequence of routes on land and along coastlines. And the Inuit were prolific namers who focused on the fine details of topography: inlets, hills, rivers, streams, valleys, cliffs, campsites, and lakes. In contrast, Peplinski explained to me that Europeans like Frobisher focused on naming entire landmasses for the purpose of mapping and conquest, often after individuals. “For the explorer, they want to map the area, and they need to name the landmass that blocks the waterway,” she said. “For the Inuit who want to use the land, [that way] doesn’t make sense.” ^location1715 - > Peplinski and her team only record names that are still “alive,” meaning they come from the firsthand knowledge of elders who inherited them orally. But future generations of Inuit may very well inherit many of these place-names from the official government maps or Google. Right now, searching Baffin Island on Google Maps reveals a view of the territory not very different from the colonizing Europeans: it’s mostly blank. Of course the coastlines are represented in minute detail thanks to the exacting accuracy of satellite imagery, but the land itself appears to be barren except for tiny islands of habitation in towns like Iqaluit. The place-names project will change that. Once the territory’s legislature stamps the names compiled by Peplinski and her team, Google will be legally obligated to include them. Baffin Island and the rest of the eastern Canadian Arctic will be seen for what it is: a landscape traversed for thousands of years by people. There is both a symbolic and practical importance to making these names official in the twenty-first century: it not only recognizes the fundamental legitimacy of Inuit knowledge and tradition, but it also guarantees that even those young people equipped with smartphones and gadgets can still learn the names their ancestors used to navigate. ^location1728 - > Many people told me that the traditional wayfinding skills that hunters and the Inuit had mastered so completely would soon be gone, if they weren’t already functionally extinct, the victims of permanent settlements and technology. ^location1746 - > It was Alan Turing, Winston explained to me, who published the seminal paper Computer Machinery and Intelligence in 1950 that argued human intelligence was the result of complex symbolic reasoning. Minsky also believed that reasoning—the ability to think in a multiplicity of ways that are hierarchical—was what made humans human. Subsequent AI researchers argued that human intelligence is a matter of genetic algorithms, statistical methods, or replicating the neural net of the human brain. “I think Turing and Minsky were wrong,” said Winston, pausing. “We forgive them because they were smart and mathematicians, but like most mathematicians, they thought reasoning is the key, not the byproduct.” “My belief is that the distinguishing characteristic of humanity is this keystone ability to have descriptions with which we construct stories,” he told me. “I think stories are what make us different from chimpanzees and Neanderthals. And if story understanding is really where it’s at, we can’t understand our intelligence until we understand that aspect of it.” Winston draws on linguistics, in particular a hypothesis developed by fellow MIT professors Robert Berwick and Noam Chomsky, to explain how language evolved in humans. Their idea is that humans were the only species who evolved the cognitive ability to do something called “Merge.” This linguistic “operation” is when a person takes two elements from a conceptual system—say “ate” and “apples”—and merges them into a single new object, which can then be merged with another object—say “Patrick,” to form “Patrick ate apples”—and so on in an almost endlessly complex nesting of hierarchical concepts. This, they believe, is the central and universal characteristic of human language, present in almost everything we do. “We can construct these elaborate castles and stories in our head. No other animals do that,” said Berwick. The theory flips the common explanation of why language developed: not as a tool for interpersonal communication but as an instrument of internal thought. Language, they argue, is not sound with meaning but meaning with sound. ^location1849 - > In their book on the subject, Why Only Us: Language and Evolution, Berwick and Chomsky draw on brain imaging studies that have shown how the prefrontal cortex—a region important for language processing—has evolved. They propose that through encephalization, the evolutionary expansion and reorganization of our brains, a novel anatomical loop between the posterior superior temporal cortex (STC) to Broca’s area (responsible for speech processing and coherent speech, respectively) was created. The maturation of these dorsal and ventral pathways in the brain’s language and premotor areas during childhood enables each of us to do the merge operation and have symbolic language. Indeed when researchers have looked at the circuits of our brains that activate when the merge function is occurring, the process takes place in four different connecting tracks. Newborn babies, interestingly, aren’t born with some of these connections in place, and studies show that, if this fiber tract in children is not fully matured between the posterior STC and Broca’s area, the interpretation of syntactically complex sentences is poor. “They don’t have the fat insulation, they’re not wired up,” suggested Berwick. “Over the course of a couple years [most children] are going to start talking, and that could be the result of a small evolutionary change. The brain gets bigger and the extra growth wired up these systems. The rest, they say, is history.” ^location1866 - > Studies have shown that once a place cell encodes space, a process that seems to happen within a couple of minutes of a novel experience, it can retain the same firing pattern for months, indicating a role in spatial memory. Place cells have been recorded when a rat is sleeping and seem to fire in similar patterns to the rat’s prior experience, and it has been hypothesized that sleep might be involved in consolidating memories of the spaces the rat has recently explored. These cells are also capable of remapping themselves, meaning different patterns of the same cells will fire when a rat is placed in a different environment. ^location2404 - > Almost immediately after discovering place cells, O’Keefe was struck by the idea that they seemed to prove a little-known theory that had been proposed over thirty years earlier, long before advances in technology allowed scientists to record individual neuron activity. “In thinking about these results over the next day,” wrote O’Keefe about his discovery, “I was assailed by a montage of ideas about the potential significance of this finding: the first was that it might mean that the hippocampus was the neural site of [Edward] Tolman’s cognitive map, a vague hypothetical construct that he had used to explain some aspects of rodent maze behavior but which had never gained much acceptance in the animal learning field and which was little discussed in the 1960s.” O’Keefe experienced a “prolonged euphoria of the classical Archimedean type”: maybe he had found the cognitive map. NOTE: Edward Tolman’s cognitive map ^location2408 - Ariadne, the OG wayfinder > The word labyrinth comes from the Greek labyris, meaning “double ax,” a symbol for the Minoan goddess of Crete. It was King Minos who asked Daedalus to design a labyrinth so complex it could imprison the Minotaur, which was later killed by Theseus, who followed Ariadne’s thread to find his way out. The word maze likely had an original meaning of “to be lost in thought,” and in Middle English it meant to confuse, puzzle, or dream. ^location2415 - > The popular scientific explanation was that all animal behaviors, including those demonstrated by rats in mazes, were the result of stimulus-response. Rats see, smell, and hear stimuli from the environment and process these through sense organs, which transmit signals to muscles. Learning to turn left or right through a maze was the result of this behavioral conditioning. Tolman, a graduate of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, was one of the first psychologists to doubt that theory. He called its adherents the “telephone switchboard school” for their mechanistic reductionism. Tolman thought that rats had brains capable of learning routes and building representations of the environment. Rather than thinking of them as mechanized automatons with inputs and outputs, Tolman described the rat’s mind as containing a “cognitive-like map of the environment.” He specified that this cognitive map wasn’t just a strip map of the particular paths that led to the food but a comprehensive map that included the location of food and the surrounding space, enabling rats to find novel routes. The idea of a cognitive representation of space was a radically different explanation for rat navigation. And Tolman went so far as to argue that the same mechanism was at work in humans; his classic paper on the subject, published in 1948 in Psychological Review, was called “Cognitive Maps in Rats and Men.” ^location2436 - > Initially they set out to write a single paper proposing the hippocampus as the source of Tolman’s cognitive map. The paper grew to hundreds of pages long. Along the way they realized that in order to refute the standard theory of animal learning as stimulus-response, they would have to master the theory first. Eventually they sent their research to fifty different colleagues to solicit feedback, and six years later, instead of a paper, they had a book, one that would end up influencing the trajectory of the next forty years of neuroscience. Called The Hippocampus as a Cognitive Map, it was published in 1978 and dedicated to both Tolman, “who first dreamed of cognitive maps in rats and men,” and Hebb, “who taught us to look for those maps in the brain.” ^location2467 - > The reason, they argued, was that space itself is special. Whereas color, motion, and other properties of objects in the physical universe can be taken away, so to speak, space has a unique status: it is an “ineliminable property of our experience of the world.” ^location2487 - > The first fifty pages of The Hippocampus as a Cognitive Map is a survey of theories of space throughout Western philosophy. ^location2489 - > It wasn’t until the 1990s and the advent of virtual reality—the ability to create computer simulations of large-scale environments—that neuroscientists could use MRI on immobile people to fully understand what parts of the brain were activated during navigation and memory recall—thereby confirming this idea. The earliest virtual reality tests used a first-person shooter game, Duke Nukem, stripped of all of the guns and fighting, leaving only the mazelike environment that subjects could wayfind through. In 2001, O’Keefe and several other researchers at University College London designed a study whereby epileptics who had undergone lobectomies in their right or left temporal lobes were asked to explore a town in the video game environment for about an hour, during which they encountered different characters. They were then tested on their ability to draw maps of the environment and their memory of the events. They found that whereas those with right temporal lobe lobectomies were impaired in navigation and spatial memory, those with left-side lobectomies were impaired in the episodic memory tests, suggesting that the hippocampus was indeed a critical part of the brain for both cognitive mapping and episodic memory. ^location2523 - > In subsequent years, scientists discovered other critical cells in the hippocampus and a remarkable level of plasticity in hippocampal physiology. Some of these other cells include head-direction cells, which discharge in relation to which way our head is pointed on the horizontal plane, and grid cells, which fire as we roam an environment and build a coordinate system for navigating. There’s also evidence that the richness and complexity of an environment influences the quantity of neurons in the hippocampus. In 1997, for instance, three researchers, including Rusty Gage at the Salk Institute, found that mice exploring enriched environments—paper tubes, nesting material, running wheels, and rearrangeable plastic tubes—had forty thousand more neurons than a control group. These additional neurons resulted in an increase in hippocampal volume of 15 percent in the mice and significant improvements in their performance on spatial learning tests. The researchers concluded that a combination of increased numbers of neurons, synapses, vasculature, and dendrites led to the animals’ enhanced performance on the tests. ^location2532 - > Today, an even fuller picture of how hippocampal cells interact and build spatial representations for orientation and navigation has emerged. As Kate Jeffery and Elizabeth Marozzi explained in Current Biology, multiple sensory systems, from vision to touch and olfaction, converge upstream of the hippocampus and are “combined into supra modal representations such as landmarks, compass cues, boundaries, linear speed,” which are then passed on to the place cells. At the same time, head-direction cells give us a sense of direction, firing only when the head is pointed in a particular direction, like a kind of neural compass. Border cells seem to signal the distance and direction from a boundary that could be an obstruction, gap, or step. Grid cells are thought to represent space at different scales by using both environmental and self-motion information to generate information about distance. They fire in an environment in a fascinating pattern: a hexagonal array that extends in all directions, and they are one synapse upstream of place cells. While the interaction among these different cells is still somewhat mysterious and the topic of much research, it’s likely that grid cells send information to the place cells used for path integration while also receiving information in return. Very accurate navigators seem to show more hippocampal activation and engagement, and navigational experience… ^location2541 - > Some neuroscientists believe hippocampal cells are actually implicated in a far greater scope of human cognition than spatial representations, and they doubt that our brains are even really building representations that are structurally analogous to an [[allocentric map]]. Maybe the cognitive map is much more flexible than that, and the hippocampus encodes and builds maps for many dimensions of human experience beyond space—everything from time to social relationships, sound frequencies, even music. ^location2564 - There are four main types of navigation 1. Vector navigation is cue-based movement where you use rely upon external (magnetic, celestial, or environmental) to provide a constant bearing. 2. Piloting is [[landmark]]-based routing using familiar landmarks. 3. True navigation is wayfinding without reliance on familiar landmarks to an unseen destination. 4. Dead reckoning is [[path]]-based form of routing, in which you track and calculate your position. It is also referred to as *path integration*. > Vector navigation involves moving along a constant bearing relative to a cue that could be magnetic, celestial, or environmental. > ^location2585 > — > Piloting is defined as navigating relative to familiar landmarks. > ^location2586 > — > True navigation generally means wayfinding toward a distant, unseen goal. > ^location2586 > — > Dead reckoning, also called path integration, is keeping track of every stage of a journey in order to compute one’s location. > ^location2587 - > As it turns out, both rats and humans are the worst at path integration, which is precisely the kind of navigation that cognitive-map theorists propose the hippocampus does. In Eichenbaum’s opinion, this is extremely problematic. “One of my complaints about the path integration theory is how bad we are at it,” he said. Dead reckoning is applicable in short distances at local scales, but it is a strategy that isn’t actually advisable in real-world navigation because it is so prone to accumulated error (except, it would seem, for those who have mastered complex environments like the Arctic tundra or Australian desert). Can the navigational capacities of humans be fully explained by the cognitive map theory of the hippocampus, or is there more going on? ^location2588 - > Eichenbaum most readily describes navigation as what it is not. “I think navigation is not about Cartesian maps,” he offered. “It’s a story or memory problem.” The hippocampus is not so much about spatial memory, he said, as it is about “memory space.” Parsing this distinction is important. True navigation, in his opinion, is what happens when we travel to an unseen place. It requires planning a future (envisioning the place we want to go), calculating or remembering the route to get there (a sequence or narrative), and then orienting to ensure we are on the right track, often by comparing our memory (or perhaps a description we’ve been told) to our real-time perception of movement through space. “There are huge memory demands to solving the problem of navigation,” he said. “Memory steps in at every moment.” ^location2593 - > He believes that the hippocampal cells called place cells are much more flexible and capable of adapting to different dimensions. One of those dimensions is temporal, and for this reason, Eichenbaum doesn’t call them place cells, he calls them time cells. “Time is a philosophically interesting question. Do we make it up?” he mused. “As you navigate, you are moving in space and time together, and the hippocampus is mapping both.” His research has led him to believe that the organization of our episodic memories is supported by these time cells, and that mapping sequences of memories in time is just as critical to navigation as mapping geographic space. The trick is trying to design experiments that can demonstrate the difference because “you can’t usually parse space and time.” ^location2601 - > Eichenbaum thinks that results like these are perhaps more faithful to the original idea of the cognitive map described by Tolman back in 1948. A close reading of that now-historic paper reveals that he thought the cognitive map might be multidimensional, a tool capable of mapping multitudes of life experiences. ^location2639 - > Heft’s academic lineage traces back to William James. He studied with James Gibson, pioneer of environmental psychology, who was taught by psychologist E. B. Holt, who was James’s student. ^location2670 - > Like his mentor Gibson, Heft does not believe cognitive maps are involved in wayfinding. Sure, we can conceptualize a maplike layout of our surroundings if asked to do so. But such Euclidean coordinate maps are not the foundation of our spatial knowledge, he told me. “They don’t exist as we travel from one place to another as a picture in our head. Of course, we are capable of creating all kinds of images in our head. We can picture family members when they’re not present. But when they are present, we perceive them directly. We only produce images of people at a remove from immediate experience. A cognitive map is like that: it doesn’t guide us in an ongoing manner. We can produce a map to try and get our orientation, but it’s not the foundation of wayfinding.” ^location2672 - > Heft has written that the human ability to think in terms of configurational, Euclidean-cartographic fashion is a historical development stemming from the cultural invention of maps, such as Ptolemy’s Geographia, and the European expansion of economic and political power in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Today, the ubiquity of maps and our constant exposure to them has made it much easier to assume they describe a basic mental process. ^location2677 - > At the time Gibson was still working on his book The Ecological Approach to Visual Perception, in which he talked about wayfinding and how it consists of a sequence of transitions, the stretches of connected sequences in what we perceived over time, that connect “vistas.” ^location2700 - > Heft now thinks that cartographic maps have influenced human thought so heavily they have obscured how much of our navigation is about the pickup of visual information over time as we travel through the environment. “Wayfinding to a specific destination involves traveling along a particular route so as to generate or re-create the temporally structured flow of information that uniquely specifies that path to the destination,” he has written. “This temporal approach requires a departure from standard ways of thinking about navigation—a shift made easier if instead of drawing a parallel between navigational knowledge and perceiving a pictorial map, we recognize that a more appropriate parallel may be between perceiving route structure and perceiving musical structure.” ^location2707 - > In the 1960s, the psychologist Julian Stanley became interested in understanding what makes child geniuses different from other children. What was the nature of their intelligence that made them so intellectually gifted? Stanley launched an investigation he called the “Study of Mathematically Precocious Youth,” and half a century later, it has shown that the best way to raise a smart kid may be to nourish their ability to think spatially. This could mean engaging them in exercises that require them to imagine objects from different perspectives, or mentally manipulate images, and perceive patterns between them. ^location3897 - > This insight has come at a time when young people in general are experiencing less and less demand to exercise their spatial navigation skills. As the neuroscientist Véronique Bohbot told me, she has begun to suspect that the sedentary, habitual, and technology-dependent conditions of modern living are changing how children and even adults use their brains. Bohbot, a researcher at the Douglas Mental Health University Institute and associate professor in the Department of Psychiatry at McGill University, has studied spatial cognition for two decades and believes that we are, in general, flexing our hippocampus less and less, with potentially damaging consequences. “People who have shrunk hippocampus are more at risk for PTSD, Alzheimer’s, schizophrenia, and depression,” she told me. “For a long time we thought the disease causes shrinkage in the hippocampus. But studies show that the shrunk hippocampus can be there before the disease.” ^location3909 - > “The hippocampus is involved in spatial learning, i.e., learning to navigate using the relationships between landmarks,” she explained. “Once you have learned the relationship between landmarks, you can derive a novel route to any destination from any starting position in the environment. Spatial memory is allocentric, it’s independent of your starting position. You use spatial memory when you can picture the environment in your mind’s eye. That’s when you are using your internal map to find your way.” ^location3924 - > Meanwhile, the caudate nucleus isn’t involved in creating cognitive maps, it’s a structure that builds habits. Using it, the brain can learn a series of directional cues such as “turn right at the corner with the grocery store” and “turn left at the tall white building,” creating what are called stimulus-response memories. To understand what the caudate nucleus does, she told me to imagine how to get to the local bakery. “Every day you use the same route, and at some point it becomes automatic,” Bohbot said. “You don’t think about it anymore. You don’t ask, where do I have to turn? Autopilot takes over. You see the white building, it acts as a stimulus and triggers a response to turn left to get to the bakery.” ^location3928 - > Scientists already knew that as we age, the strategies we use to move change. As children and young adults, we navigate and explore new spaces. Over time we increasingly rely on familiar routes and return to places that barely strain our cognition—we underuse our hippocampus. Each of our life histories likely traces this trajectory: we go from utilizing hippocampal spatial strategies to increased automatization. Bohbot discovered this when she undertook a study of 599 children and adults and compared the spatial strategies they preferred to solve tasks with. She and her coauthors found that children rely on hippocampal spatial strategies some 85 percent of the time, but adults over the age of sixty complete a virtual maze test using this strategy just under 40 percent of the time. The question remained, however, whether the preference for one strategy over another led to physiological differences in gray matter density and volume in the hippocampus. ^location3949 - > Compounding these societal changes is the fact that chronic stress, untreated depression, insomnia, and alcohol abuse can all shrink hippocampal volume. Anxiety alone has been shown to impact the spatial learning and memory of rats. Stress and depression seem to affect neurogenesis in the hippocampus, whereas exercise seems to improve learning and memory and resistance to depression, spurring a proliferation of new neurons. Patients with PTSD have been shown to have lower hippocampal volume, and one of the consequences of effective treatment for the disorder, such as the use of antidepressants and changes in environment, is increased hippocampal volume. The widespread prevalence of these conditions has led Bohbot to be concerned that by the time children enter young adulthood, they might already have relatively shrunken hippocampal volume that makes them susceptible to cognitive and emotional impairments and behavioral issues. Indeed, an overreliance on stimulus-response navigation strategies does seem connected to a host of destructive yet seemingly unrelated behaviors. Because the circuit is located in the striatum, a brain area involved in addiction, Bohbot began to wonder: Would people who rely on a response strategy to navigate show any difference in substance abuse from those who relied on spatial strategies? In 2013 she published a study of fifty-five young adults that showed those who relied on response strategies in navigating had double the amount of lifetime alcohol consumption, as well as more use of cigarettes and marijuana. In a separate study of 255 children, she found that those with ADHD symptoms primarily rely on caudate nucleus stimulus strategies. More recently, Bohbot and her colleague Greg West showed that ninety hours of in-lab action video games will shrink the hippocampus of young adults who use their caudate nucleus, providing the first clear evidence that the activities we engage in can have a negative impact on the hippocampus. ^location3969 - > Worst of all is the relationship between Alzheimer’s and the hippocampus, which has been documented since the late 1980s. Hippocampal atrophy is associated with memory impairments in the elderly, and neuroimaging studies reveal that in patients with clinically diagnosed Alzheimer’s, the presence of atrophy is nearly universal. Moreover, shrinkage of the hippocampus and neighboring entorhinal cortex predicts future diagnosis of Alzheimer’s disease years later. This isn’t surprising in light of the established links between hippocampal damage in amnesiac patients and their loss of spatial memory. Individuals with Alzheimer’s undergo a painful process of losing both memory and identity. But one of the first symptoms is that they often lose their way, misplace things, and forget where they are and how they got there. ^location3983 - > Bohbot thinks that early interventions focused on spatial memory might actually decrease conversion rates to Alzheimer’s, and that good spatial memory could protect individuals from the disease. Aging people who practice using their spatial memory have a more active hippocampus, a larger hippocampus, and better cognitive health. She has already found that participants who use spatial strategies show reduced risks of dementia when tested on the Montreal Cognitive Assessment, a test used to detect mild forms of cognitive impairment. Her work is now focused on finding ways to teach people how to improve spatial memory and their cognitive health. Among her recommendations are regular exercise, a Mediterranean diet full of omega-3 oils, meditation and deep breathing, as well as plenty of sleep. Most important, she advises actively building cognitive maps. Take new streets and shortcuts to get places; regularly draw a bird’s-eye view of your environment with landmarks; incorporate new behaviors and routes into your daily life. The benefits of hippocampal health appear to be far-reaching. “There’s some studies that show people who have a larger hippocampus have more sense of control over their lives,” she told me. “What would that mean? One interpretation is that if you have better episodic memory, you can better remember what happened. And if you can better remember what happened, you can remember mistakes to avoid and good actions to repeat in order to obtain a desired outcome, and have a better sense of control. That itself is less stressful and you can better cope with things that happen in your life. Control is a mechanism to deal with adversity.” ^location3997 - > In the fall of 2017, Bohbot and ten other researchers published a report called “Global Determinants of Navigation Ability,” in which they looked at the performance of 2.5 million people globally on a virtual spatial navigation task and then broke the data down to understand whether there were similar profiles in cognitive abilities between countries. One of the authors and architects of the study was Hugo Spiers, the neuroscientist at University College London who a decade earlier had studied the brains of London’s taxi drivers, revealing that they possessed more gray matter in their hippocampi than bus drivers. At the annual conference of the Charles River Association for Memory at Boston University, Spiers presented the results of their findings from this latest study to an audience that included several eminent memory researchers, including Howard Eichenbaum. ^location4010 - > The data in Bohbot and Spiers’s study was generated using a video game called Sea Hero Quest. The game, which can be downloaded on any smartphone or tablet, is a spatial orienteering task in disguise. The goal is to navigate a boat in search of sea creatures in order to photograph them, and there are two ways to do this: players can travel along a twisting and turning waterway and then shoot a flare in the direction of the position where they started, or they can memorize a map beforehand that gives them a series of checkpoints they need to find their way to. The former is an example of dead reckoning (or path integration), while the latter is what the researchers define as wayfinding. Spiers reported that the game had been played three million times by people age eighteen to ninety-nine in 193 countries, from India to America, Brazil to Australia. The results were fascinating. The data shows that spatial navigation ability starts declining in early adulthood, around nineteen years of age, and steadily slips in old age. People from rural areas were significantly better at the game. When it came to countries themselves, Australians, South Africans, and North Americans showed generally good spatial orientation skills, but the real outliers were Nordic countries. Players from Finland, Sweden, Norway, and Denmark, as well as Australia and New Zealand, showed the most accurate dead reckoning skills. What explains this? Spiers displayed a scatter diagram that showed a causation between GDP per capita and navigational ability. This might have something to do with factors such as healthcare, education, and wealth. But the truly indicative factor is not whether a county has a high GDP, but whether it participates in the competitive sport of orienteering, in which people use a map and compass to race each other to various checkpoints outdoors. It so happens that orienteering is hugely popular… ^location4016 - > Sea Hero Quest wasn’t really created to further science’s understanding of how navigational strategies vary across nations or cultures. It was made in order to amass data that will help create a diagnostic tool for Alzheimer’s. Spatial ability and memory function are so closely correlated in the human brain that by creating a global benchmark for spatial navigation—what normal is—Spiers and his colleagues hope to be able to make accurate predictions about what a person’s spatial navigation performance should be based on their age, gender, and nationality. Doctors typically use language tests to diagnose early-onset dementia or Alzheimer’s, but testing a person’s spatial cognition performance against these indices could possibly predict even earlier signs of cognitive ailments. ^location4042 - > So why, I asked him, did he think navigation is closely tied to episodic memory in the brain? “O’Keefe and Nadel argued that space is something that you can pin things on because it’s stable,” he posited. “So it’s one system, they are totally tied. Space is like a scaffold for adding your memories onto a map.” ^location4053 - > In the spring of 2017, Nature Communications published the result of a study Spiers coauthored that tested twenty-four people using GPS to navigate London’s Soho neighborhood. It clearly showed that using a GPS navigation system to get to one’s destination essentially switches off distinct parts of the brain, including the hippocampus. “Our results fit with models in which the hippocampus simulates journeys on future possible paths while the prefrontal cortex helps us to plan which ones will get us to our destination,” Spiers told a reporter. “When we have technology telling us which way to go, however, these parts of the brain simply don’t respond to the street network. In that sense our brain has switched off its interest in the streets around us.” ^location4059 - > Véronique Bohbot does not use GPS. While she was careful to point out that no one has yet designed a study to test whether GPS use causes hippocampal atrophy, there is plenty of evidence that following turn-by-turn directions means we are simply not using a spatial strategy to wayfind. In fact, using a GPS is very much like using the response strategy that exercises the caudate nucleus at a cost to the hippocampus. And because of the remarkable plasticity of the brain, not activating and exercising the hippocampus leads to decreased gray matter. Scientists do know that turn-by-turn directions activate the caudate nucleus, and its response strategy bypasses the creation of cognitive maps. ^location4065 - > A couple of years later, researchers at Carleton University conducted a study of 103 individuals and found that using GPS had a number of nefarious consequences for drivers in regard to attention and engagement. Using it replaced direct perception and eliminated the need to gather, integrate, comprehend, and process information from the environment. It also rid drivers of the need for wayfinding, decision-making, and problem-solving. ^location4081 - > In 2008, Cornell University researchers argued that using GPS reduced a driver’s process of interpreting the spaces around them—the process of turning space into place, in other words—while immersing them in a virtual environment, the perspective of the GPS screen. The driver quite literally relies on the virtual representation of the road rather than their unmediated perception of the physical road. ^location4084 - > Even using GPS while walking seems to change how we move through space: Toru Ishikawa and a team of researchers reported in 2008 that people using GPS while walking did so more slowly, made greater direction errors, and found wayfinding tasks more… NOTE: #seed balancing safety and cognitive maps. I used the Apple Watch as a way to navigate San Francisco without having to pull out the map on my phone, but I also used it as a way to scan the environment (i.e “turn right at Grant Ave” …cool, going to keep scanning my environment for Grant Avenue.) ^location4087 - > One academic currently designing a study of how GPS affects the way humans engage with the task of wayfinding is Harry Heft, the professor of environmental psychology at Denison University who studied with James Gibson. “The GPS diffuses that whole way of engaging the world,” he told me, “because you don’t even really have to look at the world very much.” GPS has in a way exacerbated changes that were already underway once highways became a predominant medium for travel, he continued. “The… ^location4090 - > The vigor of memory is likely one of the first victims of failing to exercise the hippocampus, but it’s not the last. We use the neural circuit not only to reconstruct the where and when of the past but also to build… ^location4095 - > Eleanor Maguire of University College London has proposed that perhaps the hippocampus is not solely responsible for episodic memory, future thinking, and spatial navigation but is necessary for constructing scenes that are crucial to these exercises. Scene-construction theory, as she points out, offers a unified account of why the… ^location4100 - > Our brains are like prediction machines, generating episodes that might occur in the near or distant future and using them to plan, problem-solve, and achieve goals. In this way the human imagination is like a beacon that orients us, helping us to make decisions about where we want to go and how we might get there, as well as self-regulating our behaviors and emotions in the service of a destination or a destiny. Indeed the ability to imagine is a pillar of our autonoetic consciousness, the emergence of… ^location4104 - > There are smart people who argue that technologies that offload the cognitive burden borne by individuals are good. In his book The Future of the Mind, the physicist Michio Kaku describes a future in which we’ll be able to implant memories in our brain, short-circuiting the time it takes to learn new skills and acquire knowledge. For those concerned that such implants would lead to significantly diminished cognitive abilities, that without the necessity of developing important neural architecture for learning and retaining memories and information we might be less intelligent humans, Kaku reassures us that eventually better designed, artificial brains will fix the problem. Kaku even discusses the possibility of implanting artificial hippocampi. NOTE: #question Second brain? ^location4121 - > Indeed, Theodore Berger, a biomedical engineer at the University of Southern California, has developed a hippocampal implant—a silicon chip that electrically stimulates neurons, and tested it on rats and rhesus monkeys with the aim of improving long-term memory in individuals with Alzheimer’s or brain damage. A company called Kernel is reportedly already using it in human trials. ^location4126 - > Google has created an artificial intelligence program that can use memory and reasoning to navigate London’s underground tube system. ^location4130 - > Like the invention of the wheel, car, train, and airplane before it, technologies like the Hyperloop and future commercial space ventures will realign whole economies and patterns of movement. They may also realign the human mind, much like the invention of the map, the view from a plane, or a photograph of the earth from space did. However, in an airplane, a train, and even a driverless car, a passenger still has a perspective—a window through which to perceive: Hyperloop promises travel inside a toilet paper roll devoid of any visual reference to one’s surroundings or reminder of our fleshly selves moving through space, time, life. What might we lose when we relinquish any view at all? ^location4148 - > Looking back at technological ambition in the twentieth century, so many of them have focused on making the world easier to access, hurling people farther and faster while requiring them to make the least amount of effort possible. Early on, some were concerned about the effect on our souls. When Anne Morrow Lindbergh boarded a commercial flight from America to Europe in 1948, she wrote about the experience for Harper’s Magazine and said that airplane travel produced an illusion of terrible power and freedom in passengers. They could observe the earth beneath them even as they were insulated, detached, “comfortable, well-fed, aloof, and superior.” Airplanes shrank the globe while inflating our sense of scale and power over it. A few years before her, Wendell Willkie wrote that “[t]here are no distant places any longer; the world is small and the world is one.” Around the same time, Henry Luce offered his vision of American globalism, which could be the motto of the modern, entitled, globetrotting class today: we have “the right to go with our ships and our ocean-going airplanes where we wish, when we wish, and as we wish.” ^location4157 - > Now the days in which flying an airplane meant reckoning with metal, combustion, temperature, horizons, and physics seem as far away as the creak of a horse and cart or the gush of a hand-pumped well. We’re more eager than ever for technologies that offer faster, time-saving, insulating travel, not so much as machines as swaddle blankets protecting us from the wild uncontrollability of the world outside our heads. Time—saving it, managing it, maximizing it, escaping it, denying it—strikes me as one of the prime concerns and anxieties of modern life, and hence a metric by which we judge the quality of our travel. How fast is it, how easy to distract ourselves from the means and act of it, the burning of fuel, the people and places we fly over? “We’re not selling transportation, we’re selling time,” promises Hyperloop. ^location4175 - > Perhaps the World Wide Web already represents that achievement, allowing us to get rid of the need for travel at all. Alexander Graham Bell, inventor of the telephone, predicted that a day would come when we would be able to see the person we were talking to over the phone. Sure enough, we now experience that miraculous instantaneousness via our phones and computers. Beamed over fiber-optic cables and satellite waves, we can contract the entire world. I find it telling, though, that while the web rids us of the need to physically travel from one place to another, we cling to navigation as a metaphor for the act of being online. Confronted with virtual space, we still grasp for the structure of real space, describing the web as a place we locomote through even though it doesn’t exist anywhere. We search for content and go forward and back between sites that we visit. The icon for the web browser Safari is a compass. ^location4182 - > Hypermobility has enabled our individual range and consciousness to stretch across the entire surface of the world. Yet our mastery is uncomfortably flimsy. It sputters and dissipates the moment the gas runs out or the battery fades. ^location4189 - > When the anthropologist Claudio Aporta began studying Inuit wayfinding in the Canadian Arctic, he wondered whether GPS was just another technology that communities in the Arctic would adapt to and thrive with, like snowmobiles or shotguns, or would it erode something intrinsic and crucial about Inuit culture itself? When he first went to Igloolik in the 1990s, some forty hunters already owned GPS units. The device’s greatest benefits were during walrus hunts: hunters could save fuel returning to shore from their hunting sites by plotting a direct course even when the shore was out of sight. But those who had grown up on the land still didn’t use GPS much, and knowledgeable full-time or part-time hunters merely used it to supplement traditional wayfinding. It was younger hunters who tended to rely the most on GPS as a primary tool. The combination of a lack of wayfinding experience, the speed of snowmobiles, and the ease of GPS could quickly amplify the dangers of navigating in the Arctic. GPS changed the routes that people take, sometimes away from paths whose safety had been proven over generations; some hunters can tell just from observing tracks in the snow who was using GPS to find their way because they were straight as an arrow—a computer-plotted track. ^location4197 - > Nearly every aspect of human life, says Borgmann, has been affected by the replacement of things with devices. Craftwork by automation, candles by lighting systems, fire by central heating. Devices can do many things, including releasing us from darkness, cold, and hardship, but they also separate people from the physical environment by subordinating nature. So while devices liberate people from toil, freeing our time and energy, they also separate the means from the end. We are disconnected from the environment and the skills required for daily survival. ^location4225 - > The French author and pilot Antoine de Saint-Exupéry hated technophobes who attacked machines as the source of mankind’s ills. He thought that machines would become a part of humanity rather than a foe because they would connect us to one another. “Transport of the mails, transport of the human voice, transport of flickering picture—in this century as in others, our highest accomplishments still have the single aim of bringing men together.” And rather than act as mediating objects that divorced man from nature, machines to Saint-Exupéry were devices that could bring us closer to nature. “It is not with metal that the pilot is in contact,” he wrote in Wind, Sand and Stars. “Contrary to the vulgar illusion, it is thanks to metal, and by virtue of it that the pilot rediscovers nature. The machine does not isolate man from the great problems of nature but plunges him more deeply into them.” ^location4242 - > The benefit of self-driving automobiles is, we are told, that they are more precise, reliable, and therefore safer than human-operated cars. They will allow us to travel at faster speeds, potentially even bumper to bumper, and rid metropolises of pollution-causing traffic and congestion. They will eradicate the need for parking in cities by delivering passengers and returning later to pick them up again, thereby transforming public and private land use. Autonomous vehicles could reduce CO2 emissions if they are used for ride-sharing. ^location4263 - > But is the future of autonomous vehicles really so utopian? Driverless cars could also end up exacerbating the very problems we already have with modern transportation systems. People will be willing to commute longer distances, ballooning air pollution and CO2 emissions. Autonomous vehicles might not be used as ride-sharing tools but as mobile spas in which people are pampered as they sit back and let the car do the work of getting them to work and home. “If I can go a hundred miles an hour bumper to bumper, I can live in the Berkshires and be just as late to the office now as when I live eighteen miles outside Boston,” said Joe Coughlin, a transportation expert at MIT. “When we’re talking about autonomous vehicles, we’re talking about how do we want to live together as a society?” ^location4267 - > GPS relieves us of the need to form cognitive maps, and driverless cars relieve us of the need to look away from our screens and take note of directly experienced phenomena in the environment. In seeking maximum speed and ultimate efficiency, the autonomous vehicle cocoons us from the physics of movement at high speeds and the burning of fuel. Rather than plunge us into reality, an autonomous vehicle erases it. ^location4278 - > On this day in particular, Stilgoe’s concerns are with my generation, and the ones to come, for whom GPS is a natural wayfinding tool. To use it, you already have to know where you want to go, making it the enemy of wandering. Exploration—preferably on foot but also by bicycle, canoe, horse, or ski—is, according to Stilgoe, the best way to stretch the mind, because it facilitates discovery. ^location4349 - > Studies of contemporary children’s “home range,” the distance from home that children are allowed to go outdoors, show a dramatic decrease in the “right to roam,” not just for kids in the United States but also those in Australia, Denmark, Norway, and Japan. One 2015 study in Children’s Geographies that was focused on Sheffield in north England showed how over three generations the children in a single family had undergone a severe hemming of movement. The grandfather recalled that he could travel several kilometers without asking permission to fish, ride bikes, visit friends; the only limitations were the weather and hunger. “If we were on our bike [parents] never [knew] where we were.” Meanwhile the second-generation parent was only allowed to travel half a mile from home without permission. And the third-generation child wasn’t allowed to go anywhere without permission and was only allowed to go one place with permission: a friend’s house three doors from home. NOTE: Childhood roaming as an impact on exploration and thus Wayfinding? ^location4381 - > The French sociologist and philosopher Pierre Bourdieu described the world as a book that children learn to read through the movements and displacements their bodies make in space. Through their motion, children create the world around them as much as they are shaped by it. ^location4399 - > Of course, the first place a child experiences is the womb. The womb is not a void but a place of many sensations: a fetus hears sound, perceives light, smells, and tastes. Swimming in amniotic fluid informs the development of a nervous system. When he first emerges, a newborn baby is worldless, meaning the borders between himself and his surroundings are nonexistent. In the first weeks and months, he seeks out those boundaries, where skin and object meet, using mouth and touch to begin to establish spatial experience and knowledge of his new reality. At birth, Jean Piaget wrote, “there is no concept of space except the perception of light and accommodation inherent in that perception. All the rest—perception of shapes, of sizes, distances, positions, etc.—is elaborated little by little at the same time as the objects themselves. Space, therefore, is not at all perceived as a container but rather as that which it contains, that is, objects themselves.” By exploring and moving, alighting their hippocampal cells, infants create spatial representations in the brain and build the architecture for episodic memory, the crucial component of autobiography and sense of self through time. ^location4401 - > The psychologist James Gibson wrote that a “very important kind of learning for animals and children is place-learning—learning the affordances of places and learning to distinguish among them—and way-finding, which culminates in the state of being oriented to the whole habitat and knowing where one is in the environment.” The French geographer Eric Dardel wrote that “for man, geographical reality is first of all the place he is in, the places of his childhood, the environment which summons him to its presence.” ^location4425 %% --- ### Selected Bibliography Abazov, Rafis. “Globalization of Migration: What the Modern World Can Learn from Nomadic Cultures.” UN Chronicle, September 2013. https://unchronicle.un.org/article/globalization-migration-what-modern-world-can-learn-nomadic-cultures. 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